Numerous churches across England have beautiful and ornate stained glass windows, many depicting stories from the Bible, some simply as decoration and some describing the lives of Saints, heraldry or angels. They are from a wide range of periods and cover a range of styles, although in each, lead framing provides the medium in which the glass is held together to form the window as a whole.
Each one is made from delicate and fragile glass, and although very decorative, they are vital to the churches integrity and to prevent water ingress. The oldest in-situ window dates back to the 12th Century, but fragments of glass have been found dating as far back as the 7th Century, when they were excavated at two monastery sites in both Monkwearmouth and Jarrow, both in Northumbria, in Northern England.
However, with the decline in the need for stained glass windows, the skill of making them has also declined. Thankfully though, due to the need for restoration and demand from modern churches, some skilled professionals do still make and restore these delightful pieces of art.
Stained galls windows have also been used more recently in the post war period as memorials to various bases, squadrons, and personnel who were lost during the Second World War, and these are just as ornate and delicate in their design as their original forbears.
A more recent example, and probably the most intricate one I’ve seen, is the memorial window in the Norman church St. George’s, Anstey, in East Hertfordshire, not far from the former RAF Nuthampstead, previously an American bomber base and the airfield to which it applies.
The window itself – dedicated in 2000 – was designed by Patrick Reyntiens, himself a veteran whose artistic career includes work at Westminster Abbey, Coventry Cathedral and the Washington Cathedral in Washington DC. He took his inspiration for this window from the Old Testament, in particular the journey of the Israelites out of Egypt, and when designing the window, split it into three separate panels.
The right panel depicts a pillar of fire, which led the Israelites by night. It is intertwined with B-17s utilising the fire to show the chaos and violence from which the crews emerged after their daylight bombing raids. Each B-17 shows the tail identification letter and the red wing and tail stripes of the 398th BG. The left panel portrays a pillar of smoke, from Exodus in the Old Testament, which led the Israelites by day, and again depicts the B-17s of the 398th as they perform their daylight operations. The centre panel, is a series of flying butterflies, mainly in silver, and symbolise the flight and transformation of the soul after death; something that occurred to all squadrons and bomb groups of the allied Air Forces. A close look at the window will reveal several of these butterflies are yellow, each forming part of a huge cross whose arms stretch out across the top of the window encompassing three birds.
What is particularly significant about these butterflies is that twenty-eight of them hold the names and squadron number of all those who lost their lives whilst serving with the 398th BG at Nuthampstead.
In all, there were 278 men killed on operations, with a further 10 either killed on base or in transit from the States, and another 7 killed whilst training in the United States – 294 personnel in total.
One of the many butterflies that hold the names of those lost at Nuthampstead.
St. George’s church was itself involved in the war when a B-17 from nearby Nuthampstead crashed into the castle mound located behind the church. No major damage was done to the church as the aircraft’s bombs did not explode, but, windows were blown damaged, the remnants of which are visible today.
The church can be found in the small village of Anstey, just south-west of the airfield site. To accompany the window, a booklet, free to visitors, has been complied by two, now very grown up, children of former 398th BG crewmen, Lee Anne Bradbury and Randy Strange. The booklet details every name on the window with details of its precise location within the butterflies. It also details each mission and loss statistic including those lost on training or whilst not on operations. It is a very useful and valuable addition to this amazing window.
It is the second of two airfields that can be found in a small village on the border between Cambridge and Bedford, where both airfields have the same name but are separated by about a mile and some 30 years.
In this last stop, we visit the site of the former World War One airfield, the former RFC Little Staughton.
RFC Little Staughton
The Second World War airfield, RAF Little Staughton, has become the airfield synonymous with the name of the village. However, long before it was built, an airfield existed about a mile or so to the north-west, on the edge of the current village, and was essentially a Relief Landing Ground (RLF) belong to the Royal Flying Corps.
The main, and only users, were No 75 Squadron who were flying Royal Aircraft Factory BE2c and later BE12 bi-planes from their base at Goldington, Bedford.
Formed on October 1st 1916, the squadron was created from the nucleus of 33 Squadron and moved to Goldington on the 12th. With each of the three wings based at Yelling (St. Neots), Old Weston (Thrapston) and Therfield (Baldock), it was a home defence squadron set up to protect the region from Zeppelin airships that were flying over England during the First World War.
The squadron utilised the airfield between their inception and September 1917, as an emergency landing ground in case of mechanical problems or when poor weather prevented aircraft from getting home. It was soon realised that the location was too far west and so in 1917, they were reassigned to Elmswell near Ipswich. At this point Little Staughton became inactive and was soon decommissioned.
Being such a short life, little exists about events at the airfield and as it played no major part, it has simply dissolved into the history books and has become farmland.
There is however, a reminder of its existence, located outside of the now closed Crown pub, courtesy of the Airfields of Britain Conservation Trust, is a memorial plaque dedicated to those who served at the airfield during that time.
The memorial plaque stands near to the site of the former airfield.
The Royal Air Force was made up of many nationals including both those from the Commonwealth and those from across the globe.
In Bomber Command, and the Pathfinders in particular, one man stood out not just for his nationality, but for his bravery and dedication in the face of death.
That man was one Acting Major*1 Edwin Essery Swales VC, DFC based at RAF Little Staughton on the Bedfordshire / Cambridgeshire border.
Swales (fourth from right) and his crew with their Lancaster ‘M’ Mother *9
Swales was born on 3rd July 1915, the son of Harry Evelyn Swales and Olive Essery, in Inanda, Natal South Africa. He was one of four children whose father was a farmer. Whilst Edwin was young, his father, Harry, died from the influenza epidemic that claimed some 50 million lives after the First World War. Without a father, the family were unable to maintain the farm, and so they moved away to Berea in Durban.
Once of high school age, the young Edwin Swales attended Durban High School, he also joined the Scouts learning valuable skills with like minded youngsters, that would help in him in later life. After leaving school Swales landed himself his first job, working at the international branch of Barclays Bank in Durban. But with with war looming, Swales like many young men at the time, was drawn to military service, and so he joined up, posted to the Natal Mounted Rifles where he achieved the rank of Sergeant Major.
Whilst with the Mounted Rifles, Swales served in several locations including: Kenya, Abyssinia and North Africa where he fought bravely alongside his compatriots and the Eighth Army under Montgomery. He would remain with the rifles until January 1942 at which point he transferred to the South African Air Force, obtaining his wings on 26th June a year later. Two months after this milestone, he, like many others from across the commonwealth, was seconded to the Royal Air Force ensuring his position overseas.
Swales (s/n: 6101V) like many new recruits to the Royal Air Force, would undergo a tense period of retraining, eventually being posted to fly heavy bombers within Donald Bennett’s 8 Group – ‘The Pathfinders’. His first and only posting, would be at Little Staughton with 582 Sqn.
During his short time at Little Staughton, Swales would fly a number of missions piloting Avro’s delight, the four engined heavy bomber the Lancaster.
Swales took part in many operations over occupied Europe, including the ill-fated attack on Cologne on December 23rd 1944, which saw the loss of five aircraft from 582 Sqn. In total, eight aircraft from seventeen flying from both Little Staughton and Graveley were lost that day including the lead bomber flown by Sqn. Ldr. Robert Palmer who himself was awarded the Victoria Cross for his actions.
On that day, an Oboe mission that went terribly wrong, Swales heard the instruction to bomb visually releasing his bombs at 12:51hrs. Flak and fighter attacks were so ferocious, that Swales, like many others in the formation, had to take “violent evasive action” to shake off persistent and accurate attacks from fighter and ground based gunners. He was able to return his aircraft and crew safely to Little Staughton landing at 14:35*2
The action taken by Swales that day was indicative of his determination to succeed and protect both his aircraft and crew, and one that would be repeated time after time by the airman. As a result, it was seen fit to award Captain Swales the DFC for his action that night, his citation stating:
This Officer was pilot and Captain of an aircraft detailed to attack Cologne in December, 1944. When approaching the target, intense anti-aircraft fire was encountered. Despite this, a good bombing attack was executed. Soon afterwards the aircraft was attacked by five enemy aircraft. In the ensuing fights, Capt. Swales manoeuvred with great skill. As a result his gunners were able to bring effective fire to bear upon the attackers, one of which is believed to have been shot down. Throughout this spirited action Captain Swales displayed exceptional coolness and captaincy, setting a very fine example. This Officer has completed very many sorties during which he has attacked a variety of enemy targets*3
Within two months of the operation and at the time his award was being awarded, Swales would be in a similar position again. This time as Master Bomber leading the formation and directing the bombers to the target.
On that night, only ten days after the historical attack on Dresden, 367 Lancasters and 13 Mosquitoes from 1, 6 and 8 Groups were detailed to attack the city of Pforzheim to the north-west of Stuttgart. This would be the only attack on the city during the war and it would prove almost as devastating as both Dresden and Hamburg.
Flying along side Swales that night in his Lancaster III PB538 ‘N’, were seven other crewmen, including two navigators as was commonplace for Oboe fitted aircraft.
On the run in to the target, the Lancaster was badly mauled by night fighters who successfully put one engine and the rear turret guns out of action. But undeterred, Swales remained on station guiding the following bombers onto the target with the greatest of precision.
When he was finally satisfied that the attack had been carried out successfully, he left his station and turned the aircraft for home. It had been difficult to keep the Lancaster flying, but Swales had persevered in order to complete the job. But he was now easy prey for enemy fighters and inevitably more attacks came.
Soon a second engine was put out of action and flying controls were damaged further with some now completely inoperable. With a reduced speed and difficult flying conditions he headed for the allied lines, where he hoped to get his crew out safely.
All those on board made the jump to safety, leaving just Swales at the controls of the failing Lancaster. As if someone had been watching over them, just as the last man left, the Lancaster finally gave up the struggle and dived into the earth – Edwin Swales was still sat at the controls when it was found later on.
The attack on Pforzheim was considered to be very accurate, with over 1,800 bombs having been dropped in as little as twenty minutes or so. Over 17,000 people were known to have died that night in the raging fire that followed the bombing, and a post-war photo, revealed that 83% of the built up area had been destroyed by the raid *4
Following the death of Captain Swales, Air Chief Marshall Sir Arthur Harris KCB, OBE, AFC, Chief of Bomber Command, personally write to Swales’ mother saying: “On every occasion your son proved to be a fighter and a resolute captain of his crew. His devotion to duty and complete disregard for his own safety will remain an example and inspiration for all of us.”*10
For his action, bravery and dedication to duty, 29 year old Edwin Swales, a prominent rugby player and South African “who only had to smile at his crew and they were with him all the way“*5 was awarded the Victoria Cross posthumously, the second such award to go to an airman of RAF Little Staughton, just one of three to the Pathfinders and one of only four South Africans to be awarded the Victoria Cross during the war. His citation appeared in the Fifth Supplement to The London Gazette, of Friday, the 20th of April, 1945:
Air Ministry, 24th April, 1945.
The KING has ‘been graciously pleased to confer the VICTORIA CROSS on the undermentioned officer in recognition of most conspicuous bravery:.—
Captain Swales was ” master bomber ” of a force of aircraft which attacked Pforzheim on the night of February 23rd, 1945. As ” master bomber,” he had the task of locating the target area with precision and of giving aiming instructions to the main force of bombers following in his wake.
Soon after he had reached the target area he was engaged by an enemy fighter and one of his engines was put out of action. His rear guns failed. His crippled aircraft was an easy prey to further attacks. Unperturbed, he carried on with his allotted task; clearly and precisely he issued aiming instructions to the main force. Meanwhile the enemy fighter closed the range and fired again. A second engine of Captain Swales’ aircraft was put out of action. Almost defenceless, he stayed over the target area issuing his aiming instructions until he was satisfied that the attack had achieved its purpose.
It is now known that the attack was one of the most concentrated and successful of the war.
Captain Swales did not, however, regard his mission as completed. His aircraft was damaged. Its speed had been so much reduced that it could only with difficulty be kept in the air. The blind-flying instruments were no longer working. Determined at all costs to prevent his aircraft and crew from falling into enemy hands, he set course for home. After an hour he flew into thin-layered cloud. He kept his course by skilful flying between the layers, but later heavy cloud and turbulent air conditions were met. The aircraft, ‘by now over friendly territory, ‘became more and more difficult to control; it was losing height steadily. Realising that the situation was desperate Captain Swales ordered his crew to bale out. Time was very short and it required all his exertions to keep the aircraft steady while each of his crew moved in turn to the escape hatch and parachuted to safety. Hardly had the last crew-member jumped when the aircraft plunged to earth. Captain Swales was found dead at the controls.
Intrepid in the attack, courageous in the face of danger, he did his duty to the last, giving his life that his comrades might live.*6
His body was removed from the aircraft in which he gave his life and was interned at the War Cemetery at Leopoldsburg, in Belgium, Section VIII Grave C.5.
In honour of Captain Swales, two memorial stones were laid and revealed outside his Durban High School on Armistice day 2009. One in the Memorial Courtyard of the School and the second on the Memorial Wall of the Natal Mounted Rifles also in Durban. In attendance were both his niece, Professor Edwina Ward, and Lt. Gen. Carlo Gagiano, Chief of the South African Air Force.
In 2013, Swales was also awarded the “Bomber Command” clasp to be worn on the 1939 – 1945 Star already awarded.
Edwin Swales was indeed a very brave man, who through sheer determination managed to save his crew in spite of the dangers facing him. His award was in no doubt deservingly awarded.
The story of pals Edwin Swales and Robert Palmer both of whom won VCs posthumously whilst at RAF Little Staughton.*7
The story of Captain Swales appeared in a newspaper cartoon “Heroes of the Air War”.*8
Sqn Ldr. Robert Palmer’s story appears in Heroic Tales.
Sources and further reading.
*1 the documents showing Captain Swales’ promotion to the rank of Major only reached the UK authorities after his death and as a result he was cited as being a Captain. (South African Aviation Foundation)
*2 National Archives 582 Operational Record Book AIR-27-2052-18
*3 Supplement 36954, to The London Gazette, 23rd February 1945, published 20th February 1945, page 1070
*4 Middlebrook, M., Everitt. C., “The Bomber Command War Diaries“, Midland Publishing Ltd, 1996
*5 International Bomber Command Centre National Archive website.
*6 Fifth Supplement to The London Gazette, of Friday 20th April 1945. Published on Tuesday 24th April 1945, Supplement 37049, Page 2173.
*7 “Newspaper cuttings concerning awards of Victoria Crosses,” IBCC Digital Archive, accessed November 11, 2023,
*8 “Heroes of the Air War (No. 39) Captain Swales,” IBCC Digital Archive, accessed November 11, 2023,
*9 Photo The South African Legion of Military Veterans website
There are many stories of great bravery as a result of action over occupied Europe during the Second World War; all are a test of human endurance pushing the human body to its limits and beyond. In some such cases, the recipient received the highest honour that could be bestowed on any member of the armed forces – the Victoria Cross.
One such award went to a Pathfinder, one of only three to go to the entire Group. Donald Bennett, the commander of 8 Group, himself even said he would not award such an accolade to any living person, it was not therefore given lightly, nor easily obtained.
In this instance the recipient was a pilot based at RAF Little Staughton on the Cambridgeshire – Bedfordshire border. It was a short lived airfield and only had two operational squadrons use it, both squadrons were part of the RAF’s Pathfinders.
This is his story.
Robert Anthony Maurice Palmer, the older brother of Douglas, was born on July 7th, 1920 in Gillingham, Kent, son of Arthur Palmer and Lilian Skuse. His father, Arthur Palmer, had served in the Essex and West Kent Regiments during the First World War before joining the fledgling Royal Air Force in May 1918. He would remain in the Air Force as an instructor at RAF Duxford until being demobbed the following year.
Sqn Ldr. Robert Palmer (IWM HU 1996)
Arthur and his stories of flying, reinforced by the exploits of the 1920’s aviation pioneers, would inspire Robert, and fuel his desire to enter the world of flight himself. It was a desire that would enable him to fulfil his dreams but ultimately lead to his death.
After attending his first school, Cecil Road in Gravesend, Robert would join The County School for Boys, in Darnley Road, Gravesend, run then by the Reverend Samuel Lister.
Once his school life was over, Robert obtained his first job, joining the Borough’s Surveyor’s Office where he showed good potential before volunteering as a pilot for the Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserves on 22nd August 1939. Given the initial service number of 758016 (later 115772), Robert was awarded the initial rank of Aircraftsman II/ under training pilot. The following day he was promoted to the rank of sergeant, before being transferred from Hastings to Rochester, his first training post. Between then and June 1941, Robert worked through a number of training units starting with No.12 Flying Training School followed by No. 15 Officer Training School. During his short time here, he would gain good grades and show his true potential as a future pilot within the Royal Air Force.
Once qualified, Robert Palmer would be posted to his first operational squadron, 75 (New Zealand) Squadron flying Wellington ICs at RAF Feltwell in Norfolk, the date November 16th 1940.
The move was designed to give Robert the experience of life in an operational unit. Being shepherded by the experienced P. Off. Morton, he would gain a good understanding of the huge responsibilities a pilot in an operational unit would have. Whilst at Feltwell, Robert would continue to grow and show further good potential as a pilot now in Bomber Command.
Robert’s stay at Feltwell would last for just ten days, transferring to his own aircraft with 149 Squadron at RAF Mildenhall on the 26th of November. Here Robert would have to gather and mould a new crew, creating a camaraderie that would hopefully keep them both alive and together, through some of the worst battles that the RAF were likely to experience. The operational schedule was so intense that it would take just three months for them to complete their first tour of thirty operations.
Now as a seasoned pilot, he and his crew who had jelled together so well, were to be split, each one being posted to a different training unit where they could share their experiences and knowledge to other crewmen. Robert was sent to No. 200 Training Unit arriving in February 1941 where he remained for a year. Five months into the posting, he would be promoted to Temporary Flight Sergeant*1, a grade he remained at until January 28th 1942, at which point he was discharged on appointment to a Temporary Commission as Pilot Officer within the RAFVR, a promotion that came with another transfer to No. 20 Operational Training Unit (OTU) at Lossiemouth in Scotland, again as an instructor. This appointment was confirmed and he officially became a Flying Officer in October 1942.
Some ten days after his appointment, he was sent to No. 1501 Beam Approach Training Flight learning to land on instruments, a course that lasted a mere week, Robert then returned to 20 OTU where he remained as instructor for a further year. He, like many instructors, was keen to get back into operational flying, and pressed his superiors for a transfer back to a front line squadron.
It would be whilst at the OTU that Palmer would come into contact with Squadron Leader Ian Bazalgette DFC. another pilot who would go onto the be awarded the VC posthumously. Bazalgette recognised the potential of Palmer and put in a recommendation for his transfer to a front line unit.
Robert’s wish then came true. After a short spell training on Mosquitoes at the RAF Warboys based 1685 Mosquito Training Unit and the Pathfinders in early November 1943, he transferred out, being posted to 109 Squadron at RAF Marham, Norfolk, a front line squadron within the Pathfinders’ Group. Thirteen days after his arrival, he would be promoted again, this time to Flight Lieutenant.
The Pathfinders were commanded by Donald Bennett and were an ‘elite’ group of pilots and aircrew, who had proven themselves to be excellent flyers. Arthur Harris, the Commander in Chief of Bomber Command had been completely opposed to the idea of an elite unit, citing a drop in morale as the cream of his bomber squadrons would be taken away to form a new unit. But 8 Group came into being and Flt. Lt. Robert Palmer was soon one of them.
109 Squadron were about to receive the Mosquito XVI to supplement the Mk, IX they already had, and with both variants, the unit transferred from Marham to RAF Little Staughton on the Cambridgeshire / Bedfordshire border some 60 miles south-west. The move in April 1944 would be Robert’s final transfer.
As a Mosquito pilot, Robert would undertake many operations whilst here at Little Staughton, and in recognition of both his gallantry and his devotion to duty, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross (DFC) on June 30th, 1944. *2
It was then, a combination of this devotion to duty and the fact that he quickly reached the milestone of 100 operations, that led him to receive a second DFC in the form of a bar on his first; an accolade that acknowledged his determination to succeed and his skill as a pilot. *3
With two DFCs under his belt, Robert Palmer would soon receive his final promotion, being granted the rank of acting Squadron Leader on 10th December 1944.
December would prove to be the end of the line for Sqn. Ldr. Palmer though. After flying his last Mosquito operation on December 6th in ‘MM171’ to Osnabruck, he would soon change to Avro’s baby the Lancaster. On the 23rd, two days before Christmas, he was assigned to fly in a daylight raid to Gremberg, a daring raid that would use Oboe to pinpoint the target. As a Pathfinder, his role was to identify the target and drop markers/bombs for the following bombers to bomb on. It was a dangerous and daring mission and one which Sqn. Ldr. Palmer and his navigator Flight Lieutenant George Russell, would lead as Master Bomber in a 582 Sqn aircraft with Flight Lieutenant Owen Milne and his crew.
The morning was cold, wet and foggy, simply described as “miserable” by Bill Lanning*6. After dragging themselves out of bed and performing their morning ablutions, they headed off to the mess hall for a hearty breakfast of egg, bacon and beans, the standard morning feast for those flying on ops that day.
At briefing, the two crews met, Russell remaining quietly reserved whilst Palmer was introduced to Milne’s crew. The target was revealed and the various experts gave their reports: escort, weather, flak, bomb run etc.
By 09:30 briefing was over and the various crews made their way to the locker room and parachute stores to collect their belongings for the flight. The temperature was expected to be at -20oC, it would be very cold.
Palmer’s take off time was recorded as 10:27, but the mission was already doomed. Over England two Lancasters at the rear of the last flight, misjudged the distance between them and collided with the loss of both crews. Meanwhile, Palmer leading the operation, had become separated from the main formation, his two flights were alone and undefended as their escort raced to catch-up. Flying on Oboe meant they would have to fly both straight and level for fifteen minutes before they could drop their bombs, in daylight and clear skies this would be suicidal. The 6/10 cloud they had been promised didn’t materialise, and it was indeed clear and cloudless.
Flak came first. Very quickly the German gunners found their mark and aircraft were peppered with shrapnel. A reserve Pathfinder Mosquito flying alongside, went first and soon Palmer’s Lancaster was also hit. Two engines were quickly put out of action, flying controls were damaged and even though the aircraft was difficult to fly, Palmer maintained a straight and level approach. Four minutes from the target the Luftwaffe pounced. Determined not to let Palmer and his two flights through, they hounded the formation some of whom had by now, begin to scatter. Communications had all but broken down but still Palmer continued on. Although “burning fiercely” he successfully bombed from 17,500 ft, laying his eleven 1,000 lb general purpose bombs spot on the target.
Within seconds of dropping their explosive bomb load, Palmer’s aircraft took further devastating hits and it began to fall from the sky. All but one of the crew would die that day. A very short statement details their loss: “aircraft are missing”.*5
Palmer stayed at his station commanding the aircraft until the end, an act of selfless heroism and bravery trying to save his fellow crewmen before himself. For his actions he was awarded the Victoria Cross posthumously.
The 24 year-old’s citation appeared in the Fourth Supplement to The London gazette of March 20th 1945*4
“This officer has completed 110 bombing missions. Most of them involved deep penetration of heavily defended territory; many were low-level “marking” operations against vital targets; all were executed with tenacity, high courage and great accuracy. He first went on operations in January, 1941. He took part in the first 1,000 bomber raid against Cologne in 1942. He was one of the first pilots to drop a 4,000 lb. bomb on the Reich. It was known that he could be relied on to press home his attack whatever the opposition and he bombed with great accuracy. He was always selected, therefore, to take part in special operations against vital targets.
The finest example of his courage and determination was on the 23rd December, 1944, when he led a formation of Lancasters to attack the marshalling yards at Cologne in daylight. He had the task of marking the target and his formation had been ordered to bomb as soon as the bombs had gone from his, the leading aircraft.
The leader’s duties during the final bombing run were exacting and demanded coolness and resolution. To achieve accuracy, he would have to fly at an exact height and air speed on a set course regardless of opposition.
Some minutes before the target was reached, his aircraft came under heavy anti-aircraft fire, shells burst all around, two engines were set on fire and there were flames and smoke in the nose and in the bomb bay.
Enemy fighters now attacked in force. Squadron Leader Palmer disdained the possibility of taking avoiding action. He knew that if he diverged the least bit from his course, he would be unable to utilise the special equipment to the best advantage. He was determined to complete the run and provide an accurate and easily seen aiming-point for the other bombers. He ignored the double risk of fire and explosion in his aircraft and kept on. With its engines developing unequal power, an immense effort was needed to keep the damaged aircraft on a straight course. Nevertheless, he made a perfect approach and his bombs hit the target.
His aircraft was last seen spiralling to earth in flames. Such was the strength of the opposition that more than half of his formation failed to return.
At 24 years old, Squadron Leader Palmer was an outstanding pilot. He displayed conspicuous bravery. His record of prolonged and heroic endeavour is beyond praise”.
Sqn. Ldr. Robert Anthony Maurice Palmer (s/n: 115772) was buried in the Commonwealth War Cemetery at Rheinberg, Plot: 14. Row: C. Grave: 13-14 along with the other’s in the crew.
In honour of Sqn. Ldr. Palmer, the Grammar School he attended continues to pay homage to his brave and selfless act by hanging both his portrait and his V.C. citation in the school hall. A nearby church, St Peter and St Paul Church located at East Milton Road, Milton, Gravesham has his name inscribed above the Lych Gate at the church entrance. He is also remembered at the Rheinberg War Cemetery, Germany. At his former home in Denton, a plaque was unveiled in 2006 by then mayor, Raymond Parker.
Pilot – Sqn Ldr. Robert Palmer VC, DFC and Bar; (RAFVR), age 24, s/n:115772
Pilot – Flt. Lt. Owen Strachan Milne, (RAFVR), s/n: 132625
Navigator – Sqn Ldr. Albert Leslie Carter, DFC, (RAF), age 29, s/n:44553
Navigator – Flt. Lt. George Russell DFC, (RAFVR), age 21, s/n:129583
Wireless Op. – Flt. Sgt. Bert Nundy, (RAFVR) age 21, s/n: 1671822
Gunner – Fl. Off. William Dalgarno, (RAFVR), s/n:161283
Gunner – Flt. Sgt. R K Yeulett (RCAF), (survived taken as POW)
*5 National Archives Operational Record Books 109 Squadron December 1944 AIR 27/855/9
*6 Lanning, Bill. A personal account recorded for The International Bomber Command Centre, which also includes other eyewitness and personal accounts of that day.
National Archives: AIR 27/855/10
Feast, S., “Heroic Endeavour“, Grub Street Publications, 2006
In Part 1, we saw how Little Staughton had developed initialled used by the USAAF as a depot for repairs and refurbishments, and how soon after it was handed back to the RAF and the Bennett’s Pathfinders.
The end of 1944 would be pivotal though, but not the happy celebratory time it should have been, but a solemn and heart rendering time for those stationed here.
On December 23rd 1944, twenty-seven Lancasters along with their three Mosquito reserves, would take off from Little Staughton and their sister airfields at Bourn and Gravely, to be joined by their escorts – three squadrons of Mustangs from 150 Wing, over France. Once out of the English fog and cloud that had harassed the bombers for several days before hand, the aircraft began to jostle for their correct position in the formation. The three formations, each made up of two Flights, A and B, would gradually settle down now able to see each other in the clearer skies above the heavy English cloud.In such a clear sky, it might be ill-considered to think that anything could go drastically wrong – but go wrong it did.
The watch office at Little Staughton is now a listed building.
Assemblies could always be a danger and would be unsettling for any crew. At the back of the six flight formation and unseen to the Little Staughton crews at the front, Graveley’s 35 Sqn’s Flying Officer G.S. Lawson in Lancaster ‘H-How’ (PB683) began closing in on his friend Pilot Officer R. Clarke in ‘F-Freddie’ (PB678). Misjudging the narrow distance between them, Lawson’s aircraft inadvertently made contact with the wing of Clarke’s, sending both aircraft, fully laden with fuel and bombs, spiralling to the icy waters of the English Channel below. As the two Lancasters fell uncontrollably towards Earth, others in the formation could do nothing except watch in horror and prey that chutes would somehow emerge from the two Lancasters. Miraculously, six airmen did manage to escape the stricken bombers before they either broke apart due to the extreme forces exerted upon them, or they hit the water.
A rescue search was mounted immediately. Little Staughton’s reserve pathfinder Mosquito from 105 Sqn, who was sat at the rear of the formation and witnessed everything, remained on station continually radioing the airmen’s positions back to control. He remained there, watching out, until the launch arrived to begin the arduous task of searching for signs of life. But the icy winter waters of the channel were too much for the badly protected airmen, and although six managed to escape the stricken bombers, all the crew of the launch could do was pull dead bodies from the cold water. Only one crewman was unaccounted for, the body of Flt.Lt. John Faulkner was some weeks later washed up on the beach at Dieppe. He remains buried there to this day.
Meanwhile, the front two formations consisting of Lancasters from Little Staughton flew on oblivious to the carnage that had occurred behind them. Being an Oboe operation meant that the aircraft had to fly for fifteen minutes straight and level without any deviation from the beam they were following. Hopefully, the predicted cloud over the target would give them some protection from flak and fighters, hence the reason for using Oboe. When they got there however, there was none, just clear bright skies and it was daylight. Ramrod 1415 was about to feel the brunt of the Luftwaffe’s determined pilots.
The first formation had somehow become detached from the second and third, meaning their escort was way behind and having to race to catch-up. With eight minutes to target they were alone, in clear skies and vulnerable.
It was then that the flak began. 88mm and 105mm shells began exploding all around the aircraft, peppering the fuselages like hailstones on a tin can.
Within minutes the gunners had found their mark, and the first aircraft was hit. Mosquito ML998 ‘HS-B’ with 25 year old Flt. Lt. Eric Carpenter, a Canadian, and Fl. Off. William Lambert as navigator, was on fire with both engines out. Moments later, the Mosquito exploded in a massive fireball. Neither airmen would survive and Little Staughton was now one crew down.
With three minutes to go, not only had the flak intensified but fighters had appeared on the scene too. The master bomber, Sqn. Ldr. Robert Palmer in Lancaster PB 371 ‘V’, received hits causing two engines to cut. His Lancaster was now more than ever difficult to fly but on he went fighting the reluctant aircraft every inch of the way. Then further hits badly damaged the Lancaster’s tail forcing the aircraft to turn over and tumble out of the bright German sky.
As the aircraft tumbled over and over, the rear gunner Flt.Sgt. R Yeulatt, another Canadian, manged to escape his turret, more by luck than skill. After his turret was separated from the spiralling Lancaster his body was forced out between the doors by the wind. This incredible escape would be his saviour – he would be the only survivor of the seven man crew.
With all Lancasters receiving intense fire it was going to be carnage – and it was.
One of the original hangars still in use today.
The second Lancaster to fall from the sky was that of American (RCAF) Flt.Lt. Arndt Reif in PB120 ‘P’. Reid’s aircraft was hit by both flak and enemy fighters. Reif himself was badly injured, and so he gave the order to bale out. Only two crewmen, Flt. Sgts MacLennan and Pearce, both Canadians, escaped with their lives, being picked up on the ground and incarcerated by the Germans.
Flt. Lt. R. Hockley in Lancaster PB141 ’60-F’ went down next. With no controls and one wing on fire, he gave the order to jump, and all seven crewmen managed to escape the burning wreck. Six were picked up by the Germans below, the seventh, 24 year old Pilot Officer Ken Hewitt was attacked by murderous civilians and shot several times. Efforts to save him by a local policeman failed and the murder was the subject to a post war criminal investigation, which concluded that the fatal shot came from Hubert Wester, who was later killed on the Eastern front. No other charges were brought against any of those present.
With one Mosquito and three Lancasters now gone, the deaths were stacking up. Fl. Off. R. Terpenning, an Australian, in Lancaster PB558 ‘A’ had by now taken several hits and was flying ‘on the deck’ to try and make his escape. Pounced on by further fighters, time was definitely of the essence.
The Lancaster’s gunners fought bravely to ward off continued determined Luftwaffe attacks. Fuel now streamed from the wing; two engines were out; the top turret had been severely damaged and many controls were out of action, it was a miracle the aircraft was still in the air. Once over Belgium and the relative safety of the allied lines, Terpenning gave the order to bale out, himself being the last to leave. All seven airmen made it safely out of the Lancaster and were back at Little Staughton just four days later.
By now chaos reigned. Communications were bad at best. Only some aircraft received the order to scatter and had done so, others meanwhile received orders to bomb visually and not by Oboe. Some of the formation dispersed, each aircraft beginning its own unscheduled bomb run.
The last of the formation aircraft to come down was that piloted by 22 year old Flt. Lt. Peter Thomas, in Lancaster PB523 ‘J’. It, like the others, had received substantial hits and was doomed to crash. After battling against persistent fighters and damaged controls, Thomas finally gave the order to bale out. With himself and a wounded Canadian P. Off. Frederick (Tex) Campbell upfront, the remaining crew escaped and the aircraft crashed. In the wreckage still at the controls, was the body of the pilot Flt. Lt. Thomas.
Of those who escaped four became prisoners of war, the fifth, twenty year old Flt. Sgt. Vivian Hobbs was killed after his chute collapsed on the descent.
Of the seventeen Little Staughton 582 Sqn Lancasters that went to Cologne that day, five failed to return along with a Mosquito of 109 Sqn. With a further two Lancasters from Gravely a total of eight aircraft were lost that day, along with all but one of their crews. The operation had been a disaster from the start, and the crews had paid the price.
After the operation Sqn. Ldr. Palmer, who was on his third operational tour and 111th sortie, was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross for his determination in continuing on to the target, even though his aircraft was severely damaged. He insisted on flying straight and level to allow Oboe to pinpoint the target. As a result the crew placed their markers precisely on the target allowing those left following to bomb accurately.*3
The full story and VC citation for Sqn Ldr. Palmer, can be read in ‘Heroic Tales‘.
A Robins Aircraft Hangar still in use today.
The return trip to Cologne on New Year’s eve must have filled the crews with dread, however it proved to be uneventful in that all aircraft returned safely and without incident. Although losses were comparatively light for the two units, seventeen aircraft lost from 109 Sqn and around thirty from 582; equating to some 250 airmen in total; it was still a blow to the squadrons and to Little Staughton as a whole.
With a successful and uneventful last operation, the dawn of 1945 must have brought renewed hope for fewer losses and that of a forthcoming allied victory.
The poor weather of the Christmas period however, did little to deter operations over Germany. On 1st January 1945, 582 Sqn were once again in action flying to both Dortmund and Witten. For almost fifteen days crews would be flying operations, training flights or both. It was a gruelling time but losses were low. It wasn’t until the 16th-17th that the first aircraft would go down. Baling out over allied territory all crew apart from the rear gunner, Sgt. McNamara, survived. With 109 Sqn losing only one Mosquito on the 31st – again both airmen returning safely – January had proven light despite the increase in operations.
It was then in February that another Little Staughton airman would earn himself the Victoria Cross, the second for bravery and dedication to duty.
On the night of 23rd-24th February, only ten days after the historical attack on Dresden that resulted in a firestorm, 367 Lancasters and 13 Mosquitoes from 1, 6 and 8 Groups were detailed to attack the city of Pforzheim to the north-west of Stuttgart. This would be the only attack on the city and it would prove almost as devastating as Dresden and Hamburg.
The Master Bomber that night was a 582 Squadron Lancaster piloted by the only South African pilot in the Pathfinders, Captain Edwin Swales DFC. In his Lancaster III PB538 ‘N’, were seven other crewmen, including two navigators.
On the run in to the target, the Lancaster was badly hit by night fighters putting one engine and the rear turret guns out of action. Undeterred, Swales continued to perform his role, guiding the following bombers onto the target with the greatest of precision.
Only when he was satisfied that the attack had been carried out did he leave the target area. Now easy prey to more attacks, soon a second engine was put out of action, controls were damaged with some being inoperable. With a reduced speed and difficult flying conditions he headed for the allied lines, and once safely over them, he gave the order to bale out. All those on board made the jump to safety, leaving Swales at the control trying to maintain steady flight. Just as the last man left, the Lancaster gave up the struggle and was reported to hit high tension cables causing it to crash. Captain Swales was still at the controls when it was found later on.
The attack on Pforzheim was considered to be very accurate, with over 1,800 bombs having been dropped in little over twenty minutes. Over 17,000 people were known to have died that night in the raging fire that followed, and a post-war photograph, revealed that 83% of the built up area had been destroyed by the raid*4.
Swales’ VC was awarded posthumously, being the second such award to go to airman of Little Staughton, and the third of only three to the Pathfinders. His citation appeared in the Fifth Supplement to The London Gazette, of Friday, the 20th of April, 1945, and concluded: “Intrepid in the attack, courageous in the face of danger, he did his duty to the last, giving his life that his comrades might live.” His story also appears in ‘Heroic Tales’
The war was by now drawing to its inevitable conclusion, and the end of the Nazi’s reign of terror was near. For Little Staughton crews however, the job was far from over. By now the allies were so close to Germany that Oboe stations and forward operating airfields allowed accurate Oboe bombing of Berlin. On the 8th March 109 Squadron’s history was made with their first Oboe marking of Berlin and Munich; the longest range they ever attempted. Eighteen aircraft were ordered out to four targets, the other two being Dessau and Hamburg, The night was not the most successful though, with technical problems causing issues with a number of Pathfinder aircraft. On the Hamburg raid, four of the six aircraft marked well, one aircraft lost an engine and had to return early, whilst over Berlin, two of the four markers had to return without marking also due to technical issues. The Dessau raid suffered similar technical issues.
By now the war was in its last stages, and the night of 20th-21st April saw yet another pivotal moment in the history of the war, with the RAF’s last attack on the German capital. 109 Sqn were again in action, and it was Mosquito XVI ML929, piloted by F.O. A.C. Austin and F.O. P. Moorhead, who claimed the honour of dropping the last RAF bomb on the city. It was yet another feather in the cap for Little Staughton crews.
One of the original hardstands now has farmers sheds on it.
Other German cities then took the brunt of the Allied attacks. To the south, allied troops were approaching Hitler’s lair at Berchtesgaden, but the night’s attack in April would not be one to remember, as all Little Staughton’s aircraft suffered technical issues preventing them from marking the target. It is thought that the surrounding mountains had interrupted the Oboe signal leading to poor reception by the Pathfinders. Due to fog and snow, identifying the target was then made more difficult for the following bombers, but with relatively accurate strikes, the raid was considered a success. However, it was not to be the Pathfinder’s final night of glory.
Attention then turned to Manna operations, and 109 began to mark targets in Holland for food parcels. A remarkable effort allowing foodstuffs and urgent supplies to be dropped to starving civilians in Holland.
Whilst bomber command was concentrating on humanitarian flights, 109 Squadron took part in the final raid on Kiel on May 2nd-3rd, with four aircraft taking part. One suffered problems and was unable to mark leaving the remaining three to identify and mark the target. It was solely a Mosquito attack using aircraft from both 8 and 100 Group, after which large fires were seen rising from several parts of the town. After the last remnants of the German army left, it was declared ‘undefended’ and open, and allied troops entered unopposed just 36 hours later.
With the war’s end, the Pathfinders returned to dropping markers for food supplies, and ‘cooks’ tours began, aircrew taking ground crews on ‘sight-seeing’ trips over Germany to show the extent of the devastation caused by the war and the allied pounding of Germany’s towns and cities. An event that really brought home the effects of the war on Germany.
In September 1945 after much speculation and many staff movements, both squadrons were ordered to disband. 582 was first on the 10th with 109 Squadron soon after on the 30th. A glimmer of hope then came for 109 Sqn, when it was reborn through the renumbering of 627 Sqn at Woodhall Spa. To all intents and purposes though it was a different squadron to the one that had worked so hard and with such dedication here at Little Staughton. The operational record books for 582 Squadron simply states: “No further entry, Squadron disbanded as of 10th September 1945“. On roll were 147 airmen and 92 Officers, six of which were New Zealanders. The records also show that the squadron had dropped over 8,000 tons of bombs cumulatively, while 109 Sqn recorded: “This is the finish, all our aircraft were flown to Upwood today.”
Some 522 raids had been flown by 109 Squadron, covering over a staggering 5,400 sorties, while at either Little Staughton, Wyton or Marham, all with a loss of just 18 aircraft. 582 on the other hand had flown over 2,100 sorties in 165 raids with a loss of 28 Lancasters all whilst based at this little airfield in the Cambridgeshire countryside*4.
Throughout the war, thoughts had never been far away from post war aviation and in particular the development of new, larger and faster aircraft, both military and civil. With it would come the demand for bigger airfields and longer runways, which led to a search for possible extensions to existing airfields. Farnborough and the RAE (Royal Aircraft Establishment), was the preferred choice, but the site was penned in and unable to have its runway extended to the five miles thought necessary to accommodate new types of aircraft. Alternatives were sought with the final decision being the amalgamation of three airfields: Twinwood Farm, Thurleigh and Little Staughton; a five mile runway linking Thurleigh with Little Staughton which would then be linked by a taxi way with Twinwood Farm. The idea behind the huge development was to replicate the Californian Muroc test facility (now Edwards Air Force Base) to enable testing of new developments in aviation. The idea never materialised though, and would have no doubt faced serious opposition had it ever got to the consultation phase*1.
So, with no real need for Little Staughton it was soon surplus to military requirements, and with their dramatic reduction of assets, its days were sadly numbered.
Following the departure of the two squadrons, the airfield became used as a transport base, before finally closing in December 1945, and being placed into care and maintenance. In the 1950s the runway was given consideration again and work began to extend it for use in emergencies by US military aircraft, but this was also a short lived exercise, and by the end of the decade this too had ceased, and the site was closed to all military activity. For a short while it was used by the civilian Brooklands Aviation company as a repair depot, but was soon returned to farmland although the runway, and some of the perimeter tracks remain, used by a small aviation company along with several of the hangars which are used by light industry.
The Watch Office continues to stand and is now a Grade II listed building, being listed in December 2005 for its ‘special architectural and historic interest’. Historic England describe it as “One of a very small number of control towers of the Second World War period that have survived in a substantially complete state of preservation…This is an exceptionally well-preserved example of a 1941 control tower design for bomber satellite stations, of which 24 out of 45 built survive.”*2
With that, Little Staughton quietly slipped in to the history books. The buildings left standing echoing the hectic activities of two Pathfinder Squadrons, from which over 250 airmen lost their lives.
582 Sqn had been purposefully created for a role, a role it performed to the highest standard and with the greatest pride of any squadron in the RAF. 109 Sqn had performed with the same dedication and determination, meaning that Little Staughton crews were awarded two of the three VCs the Pathfinders earned, the highest honour to be bestowed on any military personnel. In addition to these, numerous other gallantry medals were also awarded to the many crews of both squadrons, a number of whom had flown in excess of 100 sorties whilst based here at Little Staughton.
Remnants of the airfield still exist as farm tracks.
Little Staughton was only operational for a short period of time. But in that time it achieved some of the highest accolades possible in military terms. It brought a great sense of pride to the local area, and a huge influx of men and machinery. Today it stands quiet, just outside of the village which marks its history with a small stone laid close to the end of the main runway. The local church, All Saints, also has a roll of honour commemorating all those personnel who lost their lives here, and a memorial stone close by pays homage to those who served and died in this remarkable place.
Sources and further reading (Little Staughton)*1 Smith, D., “Britain’s Military Airfields 1939 – 45” Patrick Stephens Limited, 1989*2 Historic England Website accessed 17/9/23
*3 Much of the report from this comes from a combination of Operational record books and secondary resources including Feast., S., “Heroic Endeavour“, Grub Street Publications, 2006.
*4 Middlebrook, M., Everitt. C., “The Bomber Command War Diaries“, Midland Publishing Ltd, 1996
National Archives Operational Records:
AIR 27/2052/2; AIR 27/2052/1; AIR 27/854/8; AIR 27/854/7; AIR 27/2052/7; AIR 27/2052/8; AIR 27/2052/10; AIR 27/2052/9; AIR 27/855/2; AIR 27/2052/14; AIR 27/2052/13; AIR 27/856/7; AIR 27/856/9; AIR 27/2449/1; AIR 27/2052/27
Trail 29 saw a trip to two airfields both of which have now gone. A new addition to this trail, takes us back to the west of Cambridgeshire to the Bedford border and a small airfield that continues to operate as a flying entity. But, and perhaps more importantly, it is one where two VCs were won, and where RAF Pathfinders reigned supreme. Having only a short life itself, and only two front line squadrons, its rather unassuming presence hides a remarkable tale of heroism, bravery and dedication that transports it high into the ranks of wartime history.
In the latest addition to this trail we visit the small village with two airfields, starting with RAF Little Staughton.
RAF Little Staughton
The village of Little Staughton sits on Oxford Clay, a Jurassic marine sediment, and is located about 4.5 miles from Kimbolton and 8 miles from Bedford. The village itself resides in the upper most regions of Bedfordshire, but this is not the original village, that being abandoned following the bubonic plague, and so the village we see today being created as a result.
Little Staughton is unusual in that it has been home to two wartime airfields, RFC Little Staughton which was open between October 1916 and June 1917, and its World War II counterpart, RAF Little Staughton. Both add further complexities to the name by each being located over the county border in Cambridgeshire.
RAF Little Staughton, like many of its contemporaries, was cold and draughty. The staff huts dispersed around the various sites provided little comfort to those inside seeking warmth and shelter from the elements outside.
Built by a mix of construction companies including the AMWD (Air Ministry Works Directorate), it had three concrete and tarmac runways measuring 1,920 x 50 yards; 1,340 x 50 yards and 1,000 x 50 yards with the main runway running in an approximate east-west direction.
Little Staughton (east upward) whilst under construction, 26th June 1942. Note the accommodation and technical areas have not yet been started and the spectacle hardstands are missing. Photo taken by No. 8 OTU. English Heritage (RAF Photography RAF/FNO/24).
Aircraft maintenance and storage consisted of eight Robin and three ‘T2’ hangars with an additional Butler hangar. Butler hangars were built in limited quantity for use on American airfields, and were supplied in kit form from the Butler Manufacturing Company, Kansas. They were made of box-section girders and then clad with canvas to keep out the elements and provide some protection for those inside. Butler stores buildings of which there were two at Little Staughton, were similar, but with rigid frames and beams forming a forty foot span. The presence of these buildings give a little insight into the origins of the airfield, as neither were found elsewhere on RAF airfields.
Around the perimeter track, there were thirty-seven pan style hardstands along with an additional sixteen spectacle hardstands. Personnel accommodation blocks for approximately 2,500 staff of mixed rank and gender, were spread to the east, behind the technical area, and incorporated eleven sites including a waste water treatment plant, three communal sites and a sick quarters. A further site housed the airfield’s transmitter.
Staff accommodation was made by a mix of suppliers and materials. These included Laing, Nissen and Ministry of Works, using both asbestos and corrugated iron. It is also known that ‘Jane Huts’ existed at Little Staughton, timber frames with plasterboard, or later, corrugated iron covering reinforced with chicken wire – hardly a home from home!
The technical area itself housed the usual collection of maintenance and training buildings including: three link trainers, a free gunnery trainer, a parachute store, workshops, an A.M. bombing teacher and various stores built from numerous materials. Located not far from the technical area is the watch office, built in 1942 using the Air Ministry’s Directorate of Works and Building’s design, Drawing No. 13726/41, it was rendered brick with an asphalt roof, with the watch office to the front on the ground floor and a meteorological office, switch room and lavatories to the rear. The first floor has the control room to the front of the building with 2 large windows, and to the rear was the controller’s rest room and signals office. Access to the second floor is via external steel stairs and a balcony provides extensive outside views of the airfield as was common with wartime watch offices.
Opened in December 1942, Little Staughton was handed over to the USAAF to be used as No.2 Advanced Air Depot (AAD) and renamed in accordance with the US naming system as Station AAF127. This provides an explanation as to why Butler structures appear at the site.
The main role for the 2nd AAD (previously known as SAD – Strategic Air Depot) was to expedite repairs, modifications and in-depth maintenance to the B-17s of the 1st Bomb Wing. A role that could prove grizzly as many would have been badly shot up with the inevitable casualties languishing inside. A number of similar bases were established and then further developed by the Americans, these included: Warton, Burtonwood and Langford Lodge. Being the only one at the time in East Anglia though, Little Staughton was given priority and quickly established itself as a high level maintenance base.
A year after it opened however, the US authorities decided to move the depot from Little Staughton to a new base at Abbots Ripton adjacent to the huge American base at Alconbury. Little Staughton, then surplus to their needs, was subsequently handed back to the Royal Air Force and Bomber Command, who, on March 1st, took over control and began moving new personnel and aircraft on to the site.
One of Little Staughton’s technical huts now used for light industry.
8 (PFF) Group, under the command of Donald Bennett, and to whom the airfield was allocated, was undergoing a reduction in squadron flights from three to two at this point, and so a month later to the day, the first aircraft, Lancasters of ‘C’ Flight, 7 Squadron at Oakington along with Lancasters of ‘C’ Flight 156 Squadron from Upwood, arrived to form a new squadron, 582 Sqn, as part of the Pathfinder force and based here at Little Staughton. The squadron would use both the Mark I and Mark III Lancaster, and would be the last of the heavy bomber units to be formed under the Pathfinders.
On April 1st 1944, fifty officers arrived at Little Staughton, and were immediately assigned to the command of Squadron Leader (Acting Wing Commander) C.M. Dunnicliffe DFC from 97 Sqn at Bourn. Sqn. Ldr. Welbourn and Sqn. Ldr. McMillan were placed in temporary charge of ‘A’ and ‘B’ Fights respectively. The squadron headquarters, flight offices, crew rooms and specialist offices were all quickly put to good use and various alterations made to the buildings to suit the new squadron. The crew rooms were perhaps deemed better than some, being described as “commodious” by the new admin staff.
582 Sqn were not alone for long though, being joined within twenty-four hours by the twin-engined Mosquitoes of 109 Sqn from RAF Marham, the various aircraft being ferried in over a two day period.
There would be no respite for the two squadrons though. 582’s Lancaster crews began training immediately, flying cross country flights, “Y” training flights, fighter affiliation flights and so on. 109 Sqn on the other hand began operations to the continent almost immediately. On the 4th, four Mosquitoes were detailed to Essen, two to Rhinehausen, two more to Aachen, Kreffield, Cologne and two more to an unnamed target. Only one aircraft had problems that night, Mosquito IV ‘DZ256’ suffered engine problems and so the pilot instructed the navigator to bale out over the coast. The Mosquito then managed to land at Bradwell Bay, a difficult task in a Mosquito especially as the propeller on the faulty engine could not be feathered.
Bradwell Bay was soon to see more of the 109 Sqn Mosquitoes. On the 8th, a second one crash landed there after being hit by flak over Essen. Thankfully, both pilot and navigator were unhurt in the landing.
The rest of the month was operationally similar. With numerous flights to the continent marking and bombing targets, some requiring markers whilst some didn’t, and in these cases the target indicators (TIs) were brought home. Several aircraft over the month had failed to bomb due to ‘technical problems’, mainly failing oxygen systems, faulty aircraft undercarriage or engine trouble.
A thousand lb Target indicator Bomb at Hendon.
582 Sqn on the other hand, continued throughout the month with training flights inter-dispersed with a small number of operations over the continent. On April 23rd they received a blow, when Lancaster III JA933 ‘S’ flown by New Zealander Flt. Sgt. Wallis B. Forfar failed to return from a seven ship formation to Laon. Sadly all seven crew on board were killed that day, and their bodies remained buried together in Roye New British Cemetery in the Somme. Their known ages ranged from just 19 years of age to 22.
Operations and training flights were interrupted on April 29th, when Air Vice Marshall Don Bennett visited the airfield, and in particular 109 Sqn’s Messes. He presented watches ‘on behalf of a foreign admirer of the Royal Air Force‘ to Pilot Officer Sexton and Flight Sergeant Marchant who had both completed seventeen sorties to Berlin.
By the end of the month both squadrons had been on operations almost daily, the routine of training now taking a back seat. These continual operations meant that the two squadrons amassed in excess of 300 sorties between them. Little Staughton and it’s crews had certainly made their mark.
Over the next few months, operations took both squadrons to strategic targets, V-1 sites were especially targeted, accurately marked by the Mosquitoes of 109 Sqn. Railway yards and road junctions were also hit in an attempt to slowdown advancing German reinforcements into Normandy. The Pathfinder squadrons were making good use of their skills.
July 11th 1944, would prove to be a first for both Bomber Command and for 8 Group in particular. The modification of a 582 Sqn. Lancaster, ND817 ‘S’ meant it was the first to carry the new ‘Oboe’ equipment. It was then piloted by Wing Commander G.F. Grant of 109 squadron, who directed the first ‘heavy Oboe’ operation of the war. Grant, himself a seasoned Mosquito pilot, was able to direct the bombers accurately onto the target, initiating bombing when he bombed, and so aiming to obtain a higher level of success than had previously been achieved.
The attack by seven Lancasters on the flying bomb’s site at Gapennes, proved uneventful in terms of losses or incidents, but was no doubt a notable point in the bombing war. Now they could hit small, precision targets with heavy bombers using Oboe.
A second such operation on July 20th to the flying-bomb site at Foret-du-Croc was not so fortunate though, 582 squadron suffering the loss of the leading aircraft, Lancaster ED908 ‘Z’ flown by Sqn. Ldr. J. Foulsham DFC, AFC.
Using the new Oboe equipment required considerable training, and so four of the crew, including Sqn. Ldr. Foulsham, had been reassigned to the aircraft from 109 Sqn. With two navigators on board the aircraft, the eight man crew were all lost when the aircraft was shot down, crashing with great force on the run-in to the target. Sqn. Ldr. Foulsham may have been a late change on that operation as the ORB doesn’t list him as flying that day. All eight crewmen are buried in the Canadian War Cemetery in Dieppe.
With two more Lancasters lost on July 23rd-24th and another on the night of 28th-29th, 582’s losses were slowly mounting. In one of the Lancasters lost on 23rd, was the South African airman Lt. Swales, who went on to later be awarded the VC in 1945. Whilst the aircraft was lost in an emergency landing, the crew were all safe and they continued flying almost immediately. Additionally, in the last Lancaster to go down that July, was one of Bomber Command’s oldest airmen Flt. Sgt. C. Lewis at age 39. Seven of the eight airmen were lost including Flt. Sgt. Lewis.
August would prove to be one of the heaviest months for operations, especially for 109 Sqn, who would mount in excess of 500 sorties flying against Flying Bomb sites, oil plants, rail junctions, fuel depots and other strategic targets.
In late 1944, Arthur Harris was partially released of the tight constraints applied to him by the Supreme Allied Commanders, and so he was now able to turn his forces to his favoured targets – the cities of Germany. Although directed to focus on oil, many of these cities had close connections to oil, and so Harris was able to circumnavigate the directive with few complaints from those above him.
As aircrew casualties began to fall and the number of available heavy bombers began to rise, the RAF were now able to increase their operations, dropping almost half of all their wartime tonnage in the remaining few months of the war*4
August 1944 would prove to be another pivotal month in Bomber Command, as the first major daylight raid since 1941 was launched against German targets. 582 Sqn sent ten Lancasters to Minoyecques, whilst 109 Sqn sent eight Mosquitoes to Homburg in Saarland and six Mosquitoes to Minoyecques in support of the Lancasters. All aircraft returned safely to Little Staughton, some bringing indicators back with them as they were not needed due to accurate and extensive marking. The end of the month ended on a more sour note for the two squadrons however, with the loss of one Lancaster along with all of its crew, and two Mosquitoes. It is believed that all four crewmen from the Mosquitoes managed to evade capture, although their fate is not yet known.
Perhaps the most successful operations for 582 Sqn came on October 3rd, when 252 Lancasters and 7 Mosquitoes attacked the sea walls at Walcheren, targets that dominated the approach to Antwerp. By breaching the sea wall it was hoped that the sea would flood the defences behind, and drastically hinder any defence against an allied assault on the town. Once Antwerp was taken, an estimated 40,000 tons of supplies could then be poured through to the front line of the allied advance, who were now getting very low on supplies and losing momentum as a result.
The operation led by Master Bomber Grp. Cptn. P. Cribb in Lancaster ND750 ‘E’, of 582 Sqn was a great success, with the walls being breached across a 100 foot span, through which millions of gallons of water could pass. The attack was carried out by eight waves of Lancasters with Pathfinder Mosquitoes and Lancasters leading the way. At the back of the formation were 617 Sqn Lancasters carrying Tallboy bombs, but because the bombing was so successful and accurate, these were not needed and 617 Sqn took them back home with them.
By the winter of 1944/45, and although a long way from beaten, the Luftwaffe were now on the back foot and the allies were becoming masters of the skies. By the end of the year RAF daylight operations were commonplace, but they were not without their problems.
In Part 2 we see how Little Staughton crews took the brunt of the Luftwaffe’s determination to take back control of the skies. In one mission alone, they would sacrifice eight aircraft and most of their crews. It would however, bring the first of two VCs to the little airfield.
I would just like to take this opportunity to wish all those of you who have followed, read or commented on the blog, a very merry Christmas and a very happy and safe New Year.
A extra big thanks goes out to those of you who have stuck around for so long, we’re now approaching our seventh year of the blog and have managed to visit over 125 airfields, 105 memorials and 40 museums. These have stretched from Perth in Scotland to the South coast of England, Suffolk in the east to Gloucestershire in the west. The range of these airfields is enormous, and they continue to vanish, with many in a worse state now than they were when I visited at the beginning of the journey.
Very soon many of these will be gone, lets hope the memories of those who served are not also gone with them.
Whilst the runway’s remains one of the biggest features of an airfield, perhaps one of the most discussed and certainly visible is the hangar. Large sheds used to maintain aircraft, many still dominate the skyline today, used by farmers and industrial companies, they are massive buildings, but yet many remain classed as temporary or even transportable!
The development of these huge buildings is another that lasted many years, and whilst similar in layout and design, they are as complicated and as varied as any other building found on Britain’s airfields.
Hangars and Aircraft Sheds.
The topic of aircraft hangars is well versed in a large number of books and internet references. They, like the runways, can explain much about the history and use of an airfield, being the largest single building on any airfield site. Distinguishing features between hangar types is often difficult to see, many now re-clad or updated with modern features, doors or materials, even the differences between some designs is so small, without technical drawings or measurements, ascertaining the type can be all but impossible.
Hangars (or aircraft sheds as they were initially called) have been fairly constant in design, however, different services used different types, Admiralty seaplane sheds for example, were primarily side opening, whereas RAF hangars were generally front opening. Design and construction was undertaken by numerous companies (Herbertson & Co. Ltd., Nortons Ltd., Teeside Bridge and Engineering Co. Ltd., and Sir William Arrol & Co.) and even Handley Page Aircraft Co. and Boulton & Paul dabbled with the idea. With so many forms being used, it is a topic both detailed and extremely wide.
This is not therefore, intended to describe each and every hangar ever built (Second World War Air Ministry designs alone covered more than 56 types!), but more a general realisation of the huge development they undertook during this expansion and wartime period on RAF / USAAF airfields. Figures quoted here are generally rounded.
In order to understand the changes in aircraft hangars we need to briefly look at those of the First World War, where aircraft were stored in ‘sheds’, often made from canvas covering a wooden frame, or as a more permanent construction, completely wooden sheds with sliding doors. Later on these were built using metal (iron in particular) and were designed to be permanent, capable of housing several aircraft at a time.
The First World War hangars were varied and often crude, some little more than glorified tents, but through development famous names such as the Bessonneau and Hervieu were created toward the end of the war. Hangars became so large that specialist units had to be created solely to transport, erect and maintain them, and their use became more widespread.
The most common hangar of this period, the Bessonneau, was the first standard transportable hangar used on Royal Air Force airfields. Modern forms of it are still in use today, using different materials, they are quick to erect and offer reasonable protection from the weather outside.
The Bessonneau was a wooden frame structure covered in canvas. It was a simplistic design, able to be erected in as little as two days by a group of 20 skilled men. Heavy canvas doors open at one end allowing aircraft to be moved in and out with relative ease. The problem with these hangars was that the canvas was prone to freezing in winter and therefore becoming difficult to use.
There were two models of the Bessonneau built, differing only in their length – either 79 feet or 118 feet – but both were 65 feet wide.
The interwar and early war years were perhaps understandably, the years in which the greatest hangar development occurred. The Air Ministry – the body overseeing the works – decided upon a system of ‘structure type’ using names and designations such as, Type ‘A’, ‘B’, ‘C’, Bellman, ‘T2’, etc., and just like the expansion period schemes, they progressed through this system as new developments came about.
The first type was the Type ‘A’, a permanent design, originating in 1924, it was used well into the 1930s when it was gradually replaced during the expansion period. Some examples did last well into the war and even beyond, for example, North Weald, one of the first airfields to be allocated a Type ‘A’, still uses one today.
Type A Hangar at North Weald. One of the first stations to have these types of Hangar, it has workshops attached to the Hangar side.
The Type ‘A’ is probably the first to represent the modern hangar, doors at both ends in leaves of four running on rails. Workshops are attached to the hangar side, something that was discontinued as Britain entered the war. Walls were reinforced with concrete to protect from bomb splinters, and they were built 249 feet long and 122 feet wide.
During the late 1920s, the Air Ministry published requirements for new heavy bombers, and these would require new hangars in which to maintain them. In response, the Ministry then updated the Type ‘A’ hangar to the Type ‘B’. In essence a larger version of the Type ‘A’, (160 ft span and 273 ft in length) the ‘B’ was named the ‘Goliath‘ with only three being built (each being a different length). One of these was at RAF Martlesham Heath and is still used today on what is now the industrial park. Like the Type ‘A’, the roof of the ‘B’ is possibly its most discernible feature, a series of trusses along its length crossing laterally over the roof.
With expansion period demands increasing, further developments were needed, and it was envisaged that an increasing bomber size would be needed if substantial bomb loads were to be delivered deep into the continent. The current size of hangar was now considered too restrictive and so a new buildings would be needed. The requirements of the Air Ministry was for a hangar with a span of 150 feet and length of 300 feet. With these in place, new aircraft specifications could be issued.
The Type ‘C’, (designed in 1934) as it was designated, would become the dominant building on any airfield and therefore visible from quite a distance. As airfield designs were subject to scrutiny by the Society for the Preservation of Rural England, local objections were taken into account during the design process. To appease any objections, the steel frame was covered with local brick or stone, keeping it inline with other buildings not only on the airfield, but houses and buildings erected locally.
Most airfields during the expansion period were built with these hangars on site, and naturally went through a series of developments and improvements. This means, that there are many different forms of the Type ‘C’: gabled roof, hipped rafter and reinforced concrete. Another modified version of the ‘C’ appeared in 1938 and was designated the ‘C1’ (or ‘Protected’), this was an austerity measure development, reducing the amount of material used by lowering the roof height by 5 feet – internal metal work was also left partially exposed. Both the ‘C’ and ‘C1’, continued to be built with offices, workshops and aircrew accommodation attached to the hangar side, the idea being that it was more efficient to do so for the repair of the aircraft inside. As these were larger in width and length than their predecessors, they would have six leaf doors also sliding on top and bottom rails.
Type C at the former RAF Upwood.
1936 saw a dramatic change in hangar design, with two new requirements being issued by the Air Ministry. Firstly, storage space was now running out and so new facilities were required. These Aircraft Storage Unit Stations (ASU) would need their own hangar type, and so a requirement for these was put forward. Also at this time, the Ministry put out a demand for transportable hangars, these would replace the ageing Bessonneaus of the First World War. The response to these demands were three storage hangars and two temporary hangars.
Storage Hangars.
The Type ‘D’, ‘E’ and ‘L’ Hangars, were a development used specifically by the ASU stations, and they were not generally built on front line operational airfields. They were virtually identical in size to the Type ‘C’, but each type was marginally bigger in span 150 ft, 160 ft and 167 ft than the previous model, and all were the same length at 300 feet. The three types were different from previous hangars in that they had curved roofs, allowing the ‘E’ and ‘L’ to be covered with soil for protection and camouflage (the ‘D’ had straight side walls and therefore could not be covered). ASUs were built to assemble and disassemble aircraft for shipment to operational airfields in Britain or overseas. Aircraft were stored, in varying degrees of assembly within these units, and heavy hoists were often used to store aircraft ‘tail up’. However, with the outbreak of war, aircraft storage was thought better dispersed around the airfield and not concentrated in one space, so this method of storing aircraft was abandoned. Many of these hangars still remain today, used by small industrial units or for farm storage.
The next two types, the ‘J’ and ‘K’, were virtually identical in design, again with curved roofs, they were used for storage of aircraft. The ‘J’ can be found on many operational airfields, built in conjunction with other main hangars (Waterbeach is a very good example of this combination), whilst the ‘K’ was built on ASU stations. The design came in as a result of Expansion Scheme M, and was as a result of the call for 2,550 front line aircraft by March 1942.
The main difference between the two, (other than their location) was in the roof structure, the ‘K’ having lifting tackle rails along its width, while the ‘J’ were along its length. The ‘K’, being used for storage of aircraft, didn’t have any windows, where as the ‘J’ did as offices and workshops were in use constantly. Like previous hangars, the ‘J’ and ‘K’ both had a span of 150 ft and a length of 300 ft.
A ‘J’ hangar located at RAF Waterbeach.
Transportable hangars.
The 1936 transportable hangar requirement, asked for a hangar that could be easily erected and didn’t require a permanent base. It also asked for doors at both ends and needed to be simplistic in design, with parts being interchangeable. These hangers also saw the separating of the office/workshop facilities previously built onto the side of the hangars, these now being located in buildings in the technical and administrative areas. After considering numerous designs, two were chosen and ultimately built.
The first of these, and the primary choice, was the Bellman. Designed by an engineer within the Works Directorate, N.S. Bellman, they were smaller than previous hangars (88ft span and 175 ft on RAF bases) and could be built in under 500 hours by a dozen men. So successful, were they, that over 400 were built between 1938 and 1940 across a wide range of airfield types. Some of these examples even appeared in Russia.
Bellman Aircraft sheds at the former RAF Bircham Newton
The second design, was the Callender (later Callender-Hamilton with modifications) Hangar, designed by the bridge design company Callender Cable and Construction. These had a span of 90 clear feet, with a length of 185 ft, and were used on both RAF and RNAS airfields. There were only eight of these built before the outbreak of war, examples of which appear at East Fortune, further examples with lower roof clearances (17 ft) being purchased after 1940. The Callender-Hamilton are best recognised by their lattice-work on the top door rails.
Callender-Hamilton Hangar East Fortune National Museum of Flight
As the war approached, 1939 – 1940 saw a transition period between ‘permanent’ and ‘temporary’ buildings, although many of these temporary buildings still stand today! Because of this change, many airfields had various hangars built, something that often gives a mix of hangar designs on one airfield which can cause confusion as to its age and origin. However, from this point on, all wartime hangars were designed as temporary hangars, designed with short lives and easily assembled / disassembled.
By 1940, the Bellman was considered too small for the RAF’s requirements and a new design was going to be needed. An agreement between the Air Ministry and Teeside Bridge & Engineering resulted in the ‘T’ series of hangars, perhaps the most well-known of the hangar designs.
The ‘T’ series covers a wide range of (temporary or transportable) hangars, each slightly different to the previous, but designed as three main types; T1 (90 ft span), T2 (113 ft) and T3 (66 ft). The length of each hangar varied depending upon local requirements and the number of additional bays added as needed. The design number e.g T2 (26) indicated the number of bays (26) and hence the length.
The ‘T’ range were a diverse and complicated range, the ‘T2’ being sub split into 5 variants (T2, T2 Heavy Duty, TFB (flying Boat), TFBHD (flying boat heavy-duty) and T2MCS (marine craft shed), so the identification of each being difficult without measuring equipment.
A T2 hangar at RAF Wratting Common.
On first inspection the ‘T2’ and Bellman look virtually identical, both lightweight, steel lattice frames with metal side panels. The main distinctions are that the Bellman doors are flush with the top of the side panelling whereas the ‘T2’ has an extra level of panelling and so are not flush. The other difference is the lattice frame inside the roof, the ‘T2’ has only diagonal braces whereas the Bellman has vertical braces in addition to the diagonals. Both hangars have six leaf doors on sliding rails supported both top and bottom, allowing full width access.
A final addition to the ‘T2’ were the Ministry of Aircraft Production Hangars the Type ‘A’ (A1 & A2) and Type ‘B’ (B1 & B2) built in the mid war years 1942-43 and funded by the Ministry of Aircraft Production. These hangars, not to be confused with the type ‘A’ and ‘B’ of the 1920s, were designed specifically for the repair of damaged aircraft especially operational aircraft on their own airfield. They were also erected at ASUs, and Satellite Landing Grounds (SLG).
A B1 at RAF Wratting Common an RAF bomber station.
The ‘B1’ and ‘B2’ were built specifically at Bomber Command airfields for the repair of damaged bombers thus eliminating the need to transport them long distances to specialist repair depots. Designed by T. Bedford Consulting Engineers they were eventually found on virtually all Bomber Command airfields by the end of the war and were manned by civilian repair organisations. Examples of both the ‘T2’ and ‘B1’ can be found in use at Wratting Common.
‘A1’ and ‘A2’ hangars on the other hand, whilst similar in design – metal cladding on metal frames – were slightly smaller and found only on aircraft factory airfields. Thus again there are virtually two identical hangars designated primarily by their location!
The last hangar to be commonly found on RAF / USAAF airfields were the blister hangar. A hangar of a temporary nature that usually used a curved metal frame covered in metal sheeting. The Blister hangar was the brainchild of architects and consulting engineers Norman & Dawbarn and William C. Inman of Miskins & Sons, and was designed to accommodate small span aircraft ideally fighters dispersed around the perimeter of airfields. Maintenance or storage could easily be carried in these hangars, and they could easily and quickly be erected, no base or foundations being required before hand.
These types of hangar came in three designs, the standard blister, (timber construction), over type (light welded steel) and Extra Over (also light welded steel), and ranged in span from 45 – 70 feet, A further type built was that of Double extra Over and Dorman Long, a separate design similar in shape but securely bolted to foundations. Many of these hangars have now gone, the majority being dismantled and sold off, only to be erected elsewhere on farmland well away from their original location. The father of a friend of mine, was employed in this very role, one day finding a Spitfire inside a blister hangar which nobody claimed to own!
By the end of the war, in excess of 900 ‘T2’ hangars were erected on British airfields including those built abroad. In 2004 it was thought there were about 100*7 left surviving on MOD property in Britain. A number have also survived on farmland used to store foodstuffs or machinery, or industrial sites. The ‘T2’ remained the main hangar in use by both the RAF and USAAF during the war, appearing on all Class ‘A’ airfields, occasionally with other models also being present. A number of other older models also continue to serve even to this day. Considering many of these were built as temporary buildings, they have survived remarkably well and are testament to the engineering design of the pre and early war years.
This is by no means an exhaustive list of those hangars that were built during the period 1918 – 1945 (other examples include the: Aeroplane Twin Shed; RFC Sheds; Seaplane Sheds; General Service Sheds; Plane Stores; Running Sheds; Lamella (a German idea built in Britain); Hinaldi; Main Hangars; Lamson Hangars; Fromson Hangars; Robins Hangars; Butler (a US design); Merton; ‘S’ type Hangars (RNAS); Pentad Hangar and Boulton & Paul Hangars and of course post war examples such as the Gaydon), but hopefully it has shone a glimmer of light on these remarkable structures that often dominated the skyline and that remain the centrepiece of many a disused airfield today.
In the next section we shall look at that other main iconic building in airfield design, the watch office.
Sources and further reading.
*7Technical Bulletin 02/02 “World War II Hangars – Guide to Hangar Identification” Ministry of Defence (February 2002).
After considering the architecture of Britain’s airfields in Part 5, we turn to the hard surfaces, primarily the runways. Developed out of necessity, they created a steep learning curve for those involved in their construction. Many problems were found, many materials were tried, but ultimately they were built and even after their removal for hardcore, many have left scars in the tissue of the earth that remind us of their once massive presence.
Runways, Perimeter Tracks and Hardstands
In the pre-war years, the development of hard runways and large airfields was a new phenomena, hard surfaces being a new aspect still very much a topic of considerable controversy. In the First World War, water logging and mud was an issue even for the small biplanes that filled the skies over Britain and France. To overcome this, ash was spread over landing surfaces and to some degree successfully, but even though many local remedies were tried, it wouldn’t be taken seriously until the Second World War loomed.
Runways like this one at Glatton (Conington) remain in good condition and used by the local flying club.
At this point the typical airfield layout included up to four grass runways, one of 1,300 x 400 yards and three of 1,000 x 200 yards, many were even smaller. Bomber and Fighter Command, realising that not only would the new era of aircraft call for longer, hard runways on its airfields, but the need to maintain year round activity was essential if Britain was to defeat the Luftwaffe.
Both Fighter and Bomber Command pushed the Government to allow these to be developed, on the one hand Sir Hugh Dowding, fighting the corner for Fighter Command, pressed home the need for hard surfaces on his fighter airfields, whilst Sir Arthur Harris on the other, pushed for hard surfaces on his bomber airfields.
The entire process was lengthy and complex, and lacked in-depth, professional knowledge. The first hard ‘pavements’ later runways and taxi ways, being constructed based on road building techniques and knowledge. So before any firm decisions could be made, trials would need to be carried out to determine not only whether or not they were indeed needed, but if so, how they should be best constructed.
Initial steps in runway construction was started as early as 1937, where ‘flexible’ runways were constructed comprising layers of brick or stone covered with two further layers of tarmac and a coat of asphalt to seal the structure in. Concrete pavements, which proved to be much stronger were either 150 mm or 200 mm thick slabs laid directly onto the ground after the topsoil had been removed by heavy machinery. As would be expected, these early designs failed quite quickly under the heavy loads of the fighters and bombers that were coming into service. Rapid repairs were carried by adding a further layer of tarmac (6.5cm) and another layer (2cm) of sealant.
These early flexible constructions continued to fail whereas the concrete designs stood up to much more wear and tear and proved longer lasting. However, time was short and the learning curve would be steep.
The test to determine these needs was to take a Whitley bomber, laden to equal its full operational weight, and taxi it across a grassed surface. A rather primitive assessment, it was intended to ascertain the effects of the aircraft on the ground beneath. Trials were first carried out at Farnborough and then Odiham, and these were generally successful, the Whitley only bogging down on recently disturbed soils. Further trials were then carried out at RAF Stradishall in March 1938, and the results were a little more mixed. Whilst no take offs or landings took place during these trials, the general agreement was that more powerful bombers would have no problems using grassed surfaces, as long as the ground was properly prepared and well maintained. All well and good when the soils were dry and well-drained.
By April 1939, the Air Ministry conceded, and agreed to lay runways at a small number of fighter and bomber airfields, of which Kenley, Biggin Hill, Debden and Stradishall were identified. Whilst construction was slow, only two fighters airfields being completed by the outbreak of war, progress was finally being made.
These initial runways were only 800 yards long and 50 yards wide, but were extended later that year to 1,000 yards long, as aircraft were repeatedly running off the ends on to the grassed areas. Over the years Stradishall in particular, would be further developed, its longest runway eventually extending to 2,000 yards.
The runway at Charterhall in the borders, breaking up after many years of use both by training units and as a motor racing circuit post war.
During the early war years, the demand for airfields grew. By early 1940 the requirement was for three runways as close as possible at 60o to each other, and of a minimum length of 1,000 yards with room for extension up to 1,400 yards. This then became the norm by late 1940 especially at bomber airfields, with the main runway being 1,400 yards and subsidiaries at 1,100 yards. A month later, this increased by another 200 yards with a requirement to be able to extend to 2,000 and 1,400 yards respectively.
However, these short piecemeal responses were not sufficient and it was both a continual problem and a thorn in the side for the Air Ministry. Sir Arthur Harris, in raising his concerns for airfields belonging to Bomber Command, also pushed the need to develop good, long and reliable surfaces. He voiced his frustration in a vehement letter*6 to Lord Beaverbrook in 1941, In which he states:
“For twenty years everybody on the stations and the squadrons has been screaming for runways without avail.”
and he continues stressing the need for hard surfaces particularly in winter as:
“Through not having runways our effort will be seriously detracted from in normal winter conditions and reduced very probably to zero in abnormal winter conditions.”
He then goes on to state that Britain’s views were ‘blinkered’ saying that:
“Every other nation throughout the world has long been convinced of the necessity for runways…”
By the summer of 1941, the length of runways had again increased, all stations would now have a main runway of 2,000 yards and two subsidiaries of 1,400 yards and where this was not possible, then a minimum of 1,600 and 1,100 yards (fighter and night fighter stations being shorter at 1,300 and 1,400 yards respectively).
The harsh winters were less than ideal for laying concrete (by far the best material for the job) but any delay could mean the difference between success and failure. Elaborate testing was therefore passed over, materials were laid and experience led the way. This method of trail and error, led to many instances of runways having to be dug up and relaid, this in itself led to problems as aircraft, men and machinery had to then be moved and housed elsewhere. The American Eighth Air Force suffered greatly with these problem, fully laden bombers repeatedly breaking through the surface or falling off the edges as it gave way.
Another consideration was that of training and satellite airfields. As the need for new pilots increased, the training of new recruits intensified. The harsh winters were causing major headaches for these airfields as mud, stones and other winter debris was causing continuous problems for flying. With both man power and materials being in short supply, suitable alternatives were sought. A number of solutions were offered all very similar in their design and material.
The answer it seemed lay in steel matting – of which twelve different types were used – the more common being : Sommerfeld Track, Pierced Steel Planking (PSP – also called Marston Mat), or Square Mesh Track (SMT).
Sommerfeld track was a steel mat designed by Austrian Kurt Sommerfeld. The tracking was adapted from a First World War idea, and was a steel mat that when arrived, was rolled up in rolls 3.25 m (10 ft 8 in) wide by 23 m (75 ft 6 in) long. It was so well designed that a full track could be laid, by an unskilled force, in a matter of hours. Each section could be replaced easily if damaged, and the entire track could be lifted and transported by lorry, aeroplane or boat to another location and then reused.
Sommerfeld track (along with these other track types) were not only used commonly on training and satellite airfields, but also on Advanced and Forward Landing Grounds in Kent and later France after the Allied invasion of Normandy. In the build up to D-Day, 24 Advanced Landing Grounds in southern England were created using this form of Steel Matting,
Tracking had to be robust, it had to be able to withstand heavy landings and be non-conspicuous from the air. Sommerfeld track met both of these, and other stringent criteria very well, although it wasn’t without its problems. Crews often complained of a build up of mud after heavy rain, and concerns over both tyre and undercarriage damage were also extensively voiced; several records reporting tail wheels being ripped off after catching in the track lattice.
Because of the poor state and short length of runways, bombers were still regularly running off the ends, especially at night, or being unable to fly because the surfaces were poor or even unusable. A number of ideas were tested out to alleviate the problem, one such idea led to twenty sites testing arrester hook facilities. Several heavy bombers: Halifax, Manchester, Stirlings and later the Lancaster, were all modified to undertake these trials, with Woodhall Spa becoming the first airfield to have the full complement of six arrester sets.
Runway arrester gear at Woodhall Spa.
The idea was met with scepticism, but trials went ahead and in January 1942, a list of priority airfields was sent out to the Headquarters of No. 1,3,4, and 5 Groups RAF detailing those twenty sites selected for the equipment. At the top of the list was RAF Woodhall Spa in Lincolnshire, followed by Bottesford, Swinderby, Ossington, Syerston, Middleton St. George, Linton, and ending with Waterbeach and Stradishall. By late 1942 Woodhall Spa was ready and in October, five landings were made by an Avro Manchester. A month later the decision was made to install units at all major operational airfields, but this never came to fruition and the idea was soon mothballed. By 1943, it had been forgotten about and the 120 or so units built were scrapped (many being left buried where they were laid).
It was finally during early 1942 that a standard design airfield would be put in place. Known as the Class ‘A’, it would be the standard to which all new airfields and updated older sites would be made.
A Class A airfield would be designed around three hard concrete runways, shaped like an ‘A’ with each runway at 60o to each other where possible. The main runway would be aligned with the prevailing wind again were possible to allow aircraft to take off/land into the wind as often as possible (north-east, south-west). In several cases, due to land features and local restrictions, this was not always possible, and so many permutations of design were seen as a result.
Rapidly becoming the largest part of the airfield layout, the runways and other paved areas – perimeters tracks, aprons and hardstands – were now given high priority. The standard now called for a main runway of 2,000 yards with two subsidiaries of 1,400 yards. Each of these would be 50 yards wide whilst the connecting perimeter tracks would be 50 feet wide. Along side these runways would be an emergency landing strip, a grassed area given a landing surface of 400 and 200 yards respectively.
Dues to the high numbers of bombers returning badly damaged and unable to make safe and proper landings, a small number of emergency strips were created by extending the main runways to 4,000 yards long and 400 yards wide. One such airfield was RAF Manston in Kent. Being on of the closest airfields to the continent, it was often the first place a stricken aircraft, especially a bomber, would seek out.
Whilst the general layout of airfields did not change for the remainder of the war, some further runways were extended to 3,000 yards, one such example being RAF Sculthorpe in Norfolk which was prepared to take the heavy B29 ‘Superfortress’ and post war, the B-36 ‘Peacemaker’.
A further point worth mentioning here is that of dispersals, not required pre-war, they were also an aspect of airfield architecture that were born out of the Second World War. In the inter-war years, aircraft were housed either on a central pan (apron or ramp) or within hangars. These collections of aircraft were easy targets and even a small amount of munitions could cause huge damage. In 1939 the need for dispersals was therefore recognised and so to address the issue, hedges were removed and tracks created that took aircraft away from the main runway but kept them within easy reach of the airfield site. The initial design was that of the ‘frying pan’ a 150 ft circle connected to the perimeter track by a small concrete track.
However, by 1942, it was found that aircraft were clogging up these tracks, some even ‘falling off’ the concrete onto soft soil and so blocking following aircraft in their tracks. The answer was the ‘spectacle’ or ‘loop’ hardstand, so-called by their oval shape, generally in pairs, that allow aircraft in and out without the need to turn or block access tracks. From 1942 onward, this model became the standard hardstand for all Class A airfields, and the aim was to have 50 such hardstands placed strategically around the perimeter, with 25 at satellite airfields. As the threat of attack diminished toward the end of the war, ‘finger’ or ‘star’ dispersals began to appear, much less effective than the predecessors, they were however cheaper and easier to construct.
Unusual as many training airfields didn’t have aircraft pans, RAF Millfield, in the borders, had several
In addition to hardstands, pens were built on fighter stations. The first, an experimental pit, was dug at Feltwell, whilst overly expensive and obtrusive, it did lead the way to aircraft pens later on, pens that were developed as either type ‘B’ or ‘E’ on these fighter airfields. The main difference here is that the early type ‘B’ had cranked side walls whereas the ‘E’ had walls that were straight. The former requiring more space, was later phased out in favour of the ‘E’, named so by its shape, using side and back walls to protect the fighter or small bomber located within.
The remains of a Type ‘B’ Fighter Pen at Matlaske.
A Type ‘B’ Pen at RAF Macmerry. The cranked wall can be seen to the right, with the central wall on the left. The entrance is to the bottom right.
Examples of these pens were located at Matlaske (type ‘B’ – built to design 7151/41) and Macmerry in Scotland, whilst the type ‘E’ were found on airfields especially those around London that included Biggin HiIl, Kenley and North Weald.
One of the ‘E’ type pens found at Kings Cliffe. Adapted with rifle slits for additional defence.
These pens were designed to specific dimensions and were designed as either a ‘Hurricane’ or ‘Blenheim’ to accommodate either a single engined or twin-engined aircraft. Within the back wall of these pens was a shelter for up to 25 personnel, and in some cases, they had Stanton Shelters built-in to the structures. Some, for example, at Kings Cliffe in Northampton, remain with rifle slits for additional protection from ground forces.
Inside the aircraft pen shelter at King’s Cliffe.
Whilst the majority of these shelters were manufactured using banks of soil, sandbags, brick or concrete, there was a least one example at RAF Drem, in Scotland which used logs cut to size and shape and built in the style of a Scandinavian house. It is these various designs of aircraft pen that paved the way to modern hardened aircraft shelters (HAS) seen on military airfields today.
From the early days of grass runways to the massive lengths of concrete that were created up to and after the mid 1940s, runways and hardstands have become a defining factor in airfield design. The sole purpose of an airfield – to get aircraft off the ground as quickly as possible, get them to their target and them get them home again – led to the development of both runway lengths and construction materials, much of which has paved the way for modern airfields today. These early leaps into runway designs have enabled larger and heavier aircraft to make those important journeys that we very much take for granted in this the modern world of air travel and general aviation.
In the next section we look at one of the buildings most associated with the airfield. An early form of aircraft storage, its role changed as it was soon realised that aircraft needed to be dispersed and not grouped together on large aprons as they were in the prewar era. Aesthetics and neatly lined up aircraft were no longer an important factor in front line flying, but safety and the ability to repair aircraft quickly and efficiently were. Here we introduce the hangar, a huge building often of a temporary or transportable nature, that became one of the more longer lasting structures of airfield architecture.
Sources and further reading.
*6 Letter from Arthur Harris to Lord Beaverbrook, February 1941 – AIR 19/492 – National Archives
I am pleased to announce that since starting Aviation Trails four years ago, I have now reached that magic number of 50 Trails around Britain’s wartime airfields, a feat I never thought would happen.
Each Trail covers two or more sites, in some cases six, many three, covering in total, over 100 former RAF and USAAF airfields and museums around Britain.
I can honestly say its been a terrific four years, in which I have learnt a lot about Britain’s wartime past, the men and machines that flew from these places and the tragedies that occurred at so many. The development of these airfields was staggering, the process of construction, and the subsequent decay just as eye-opening. These sites and the people who used them, have changed both the British and world landscape, leaving in many cases scars that may never heal. The buildings and stretches of concrete that remain are monuments to human endurance and sacrifice, a sacrifice that we hope may never have to be repeated.
The perimeter track at the former RAF Tibbenham.
During these four years there have been several changes at many of these sites, hangars and other buildings have gone, runways are continuing to be dug up as they become prime land for development. As we speak there are numerous sites under planning proposals, whilst others are waiting in the wings to hear what their fate will be.
To compile these trails I have personally visited each and every one of these sites, even a field has a certain something when you know who stood there before you.
To all those who have visited, commented and followed me on this journey, I thank you, I hope you have enjoyed the journey back in time as much as I have writing it. I hope that through these trails, the memories of those who gave their all may live on so that future generations may know who they were and what they did, so that we may enjoy the peace we do today.
Aviation Trails 
